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Ο Μαδούρο κέρδισε τις εκλογές κι έχασε τον κόσμο

του Άρη Χατζηστεφάνου

Είναι δύσκολο να καταλάβεις γιατί κάποιος να θέλει να τορπιλίσει ένα πλοίο το οποίο βυθίζεται από μόνο του – ιδιαίτερα αν μια τέτοια κίνηση θα έχει καταστροφικές συνέπειες για την εικόνα του σε παγκόσμιο επίπεδο. Ο πρόεδρος της Βενεζουέλας όμως τα κατάφερε αυτή την Κυριακή όταν ανακοίνωσε ότι τα κόμματα που μποϊκοτάρισαν τις δημοτικές εκλογές χάνουν το δικαίωμα συμμετοχής στις προεδρικές εκλογές του 2018.

Τη στιγμή λοιπόν που η δεξιά αντιπολίτευση βρισκόταν αντιμέτωπη με τη μεγαλύτερη κρίση της ιστορίας της, οι δηλώσεις Μαδούρο την έφεραν και πάλι στο προσκήνιο. Η λέξη «δικτατορία» γέμισε και πάλι τους τίτλους των διεθνών μέσων ενημέρωσης, για μια χώρα που έχει πραγματοποιήσει 23 εκλογικές αναμετρήσεις σε διάστημα 18 χρόνων – τις τρεις τελευταίες μέσα σε λιγότερο από 12 μήνες.

Η εκλογική διαδικασία παρουσιάστηκε σαν θρίαμβος από το Ενωμένο Σοσιαλιστικό Κόμμα της Βενεζουέλας (PSUV) του Μαδούρο, το οποίο κατέλαβε τις 23 από τις 24 πρωτεύουσες περιφερειών της χώρας, με ποσοστά που στις περισσότερες περιπτώσεις ξεπερνούσαν το 60%.

Ο τελευταίος αριθμός βέβαια μπορεί να μη σημαίνει και πολλά στην πράξη, αφού τρία από τα τέσσερα μεγαλύτερα κόμματα της αντιπολίτευσης επιχείρησαν να μποϊκοτάρουν τη διαδικασία. Η ιδιαίτερα υψηλή προσέλευση όμως (για τα δεδομένα δημοτικών εκλογών στη Βενεζουέλα), που έφτασε το 47%, αλλά και η σαρωτική επικράτηση εναντίον των εναπομεινάντων υποψηφίων επιβεβαίωσε όσους υποστήριζαν ότι η δημοτικότητα του προέδρου επανακάμπτει.

Μπορούσες να πάρεις μια γεύση αυτής της «επιστροφής» στα εκλογικά κέντρα των φτωχότερων περιοχών του Καράκας. Στο Πετάρι, στους πρόποδες ενός μπάριο (της βενεζουελάνικης εκδοχής της φαβέλας), οι κάτοικοι σχημάτιζαν ουρά έξω από ένα σχολείο όπου είχαν στηθεί οι κάλπες.

Μέσα σε λίγα λεπτά μέτρησα τουλάχιστον πέντε άτομα με κινητικά προβλήματα που ήρθαν υποβασταζόμενα να ψηφίσουν. Δίπλα τους αρκετοί μικροπωλητές άφηναν την πραμάτεια τους στην είσοδο για να μπουν στα σχολεία όπου είχαν στηθεί οι κάλπες.

Η σαφής ταξική γραμμή που χωρίζει τους οπαδούς του Μαδούρο από τα μεσαία και ανώτερα στρώματα δεν φάνηκε να έχει ξεθωριάσει ούτε στο ελάχιστο. Στην άλλη άκρη της πόλης, δίπλα από το αεροδρόμιο, όπου τα τελευταία χρόνια χτίστηκε μια ολόκληρη κωμόπολη δωρεάν κατοικιών για φτωχούς, τα μέλη του PSUV έδιναν τον ρυθμό με τεράστια ηχεία που είχαν φορτώσει σε ανοιχτά φορτηγάκια.

Ο Μαδούρο κατάφερε τους τελευταίους μήνες να τονώσει το δικό του κοινωνικό συμβόλαιο επαναφέροντας σε πλήρη λειτουργία τα προγράμματα δωρεάν διανομής τροφίμων. Παράλληλα, η σταθεροποίηση των διεθνών τιμών πετρελαίου έδινε μια μικρή ελπίδα για την οικονομία παρά τις τρομακτικές συνέπειες που έχει πλέον ο διεθνής οικονομικός αποκλεισμός των ΗΠΑ.

Μεταξύ άλλων ο αποκλεισμός δένει τα χέρια του προέδρου για κάθε προσπάθεια αναδιάρθρωσης του εξωτερικού χρέους, καθώς ο Τραμπ απαγορεύει σε όλα τα αμερικανικά χρηματοπιστωτικά ιδρύματα κάθε επαφή με τη Βενεζουέλα.

Ο Μαδούρο βέβαια πρέπει να ευχαριστεί για την επιβίωσή του και τη δεξιά αντιπολίτευση, η οποία τους τελευταίους μήνες πυροβολεί τα πόδια της με συνεχείς παλινωδίες και εσωτερικές διασπάσεις. Μετά τις εκλογές για τη Συντακτική Εθνοσυνέλευση, οι διαδηλώσεις σταμάτησαν σχεδόν τελείως, ενώ οι υποψήφιοι δεν μπορούσαν να αποφασίσουν αν θα συμμετάσχουν στις επόμενες εκλογικές αναμετρήσεις.

«Οταν κερδίζουν στις κάλπες, έστω και με μία ποσοστιαία μονάδα, καταλαμβάνουν αμέσως τη θέση, ενώ αν χάσουν καταγγέλλουν νοθεία» μας εξηγούσε μια ημέρα πριν από τις εκλογές ο 35χρονος κυβερνήτης της επαρχίας Μιράντα, Έκτορ Ροντρίγκες, που θεωρείται από πολλούς ως το νέο πρόσωπο του PSUV και επικρατέστερος διάδοχος του Μαδούρο, όταν και αν ο τελευταίος αποφασίσει να αποσυρθεί.

Μέχρι τότε ο Μαδούρο θα κερδίζει τις εκλογές και θα χάνει τις μάχες που δίνει με τον εαυτό του.

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