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Η πρόταση για GREXIT

Προσφέρεται στη χώρα μας η ευκαιρία να ζητήσει μία γενναιόδωρη διαγραφή του δημοσίου χρέους της, με αντάλλαγμα την επιστροφή στο εθνικό της νόμισμα.

Ειδικότερα, εάν η διαγραφή θα ήταν της τάξης του 50% του δημοσίου χρέους (περί τα 170 δις €), έτσι ώστε το υπόλοιπο να είναι κάτω του 100% του ΑΕΠ, καθώς επίσης εάν το χρέος που θα απέμενε θα μας επιτρεπόταν να πληρώνεται σε δραχμές, τότε θα είχε νόημα να συζητηθεί πολύ σοβαρά – έτσι ώστε να εκπονηθεί ένα σχέδιο, με κάθε λεπτομέρεια.

Το σχέδιο αυτό θα συμπεριελάμβανε την αύξηση του ελέγχου των τραπεζών για κάποιο χρονικό διάστημα, τη δημιουργία μίας νέας κεντρικής με ιδιοκτήτη το δημόσιο, τη στήριξη των εξαγωγών με επιδοτήσεις, την ίδρυση μίας τράπεζας επενδύσεων κοκ. – κατά το επιτυχημένο παράδειγμα των χωρών της ανατολικής Ευρώπης, τη δεκαετία του 1930.

Ακόμη και στην περίπτωση αυτή βέβαια θα βρισκόμαστε αντιμέτωποι με πολλά άλλα προβλήματα – ορισμένα από τα οποία έχουμε περιγράψει στο κείμενο μας «τα ερωτηματικά της δραχμής». Μεταξύ αυτών θα ήταν η ραγδαία υποτίμηση της δραχμής, σε επίπεδα που ίσως θα υπερέβαιναν στην αρχή το 80% – αν και υπολογίζουμε πως αργότερα, με κριτήριο το έλλειμμα ανταγωνιστικότητας μας συγκριτικά με τη Γερμανία, θα σταθεροποιούταν στο 20-30%. Εάν φυσικά δεν κάναμε λάθη, καθώς επίσης εάν δεν δεχόμαστε συναλλαγματικές επιθέσεις – εξασφαλίζοντας επί πλέον τη στήριξη της ΕΚΤ για τα πρώτα χρόνια.

Δυστυχώς υπάρχουν ορισμένοι, οι οποίοι ισχυρίζονται πως η υποτίμηση θα μπορούσε να αποφευχθεί – με τη διατήρηση του νομίσματος μας εκτός του συστήματος του ελεύθερου καθορισμού των συναλλαγματικών ισοτιμιών. Εάν όμως ήταν δυνατόν να δρομολογηθεί κάτι τέτοιο, δεν θα το υιοθετούσε η Ρωσία, το νόμισμα της οποίας έχει υποστεί μία τεράστια υποτίμηση, μετά τις επιθέσεις που δέχθηκε από τη Δύση; Δεν έχει η Ρωσία πολύ μεγαλύτερες οικονομικές δυνατότητες από την Ελλάδα, μεταξύ των οποίων ένα σχεδόν αμελητέο δημόσιο χρέος; Πώς θα εξυπηρετούσαμε το υπόλοιπο χρέος μας και πως θα εισαγάγαμε, χωρίς ένα ελεύθερα διαπραγματεύσιμο νόμισμα;

Ανεξάρτητα όμως από όλα αυτά, για να μπορέσει η Ελλάδα να διαπραγματευθεί την έξοδο της από την Ευρωζώνη, με αντάλλαγμα τη διαγραφή χρεών της, θα έπρεπε να διαθέτει εν πρώτοις μία πολύ ικανή κυβέρνηση – η οποία θα ήταν επί πλέον σε θέση να λειτουργήσει σωστά την οικονομία, μετά την υιοθέτηση του εθνικού μας νομίσματος.

Εκτός αυτού, η εν λόγω ικανότατη κυβέρνηση δεν θα είχε καμία απολύτως δυνατότητα επιτυχίας, εάν δεν στηριζόταν από έναν «συνεκτικό» και αποφασισμένο λαό – ο οποίος θα ήταν πρόθυμος να υποστεί τις μεγάλες οδύνες που θα ήταν αναπόφευκτες το πρώτο χρονικό διάστημα.

Στο παράδειγμα της Ρωσίας, εάν ο πρόεδρος Putin δεν είχε τη στήριξη της συντριπτικής πλειοψηφίας του λαού του, καθώς επίσης εάν οι Ρώσοι δεν ήταν πρόθυμοι να υποστούν τις οδυνηρές συνέπειες της υποτίμησης του ρουβλίου για να διατηρήσουν την ελευθερία και την εθνική τους ανεξαρτησία, τότε η χώρα θα είχε προ πολλού υποκύψει – πιθανότατα όταν κατέρρευσαν οι τιμές του πετρελαίου, οπότε μειώθηκε η δυνατότητα του δημοσίου να στηρίζει την κοινωνία ή/και όταν η υποτίμηση περιόρισε σε μεγάλο βαθμό την αγοραστική ικανότητα των Πολιτών.

Στα πλαίσια αυτά, το πρώτο που θα όφειλε να κάνει μία ελληνική κυβέρνηση θα ήταν να ενημερώσει με κάθε λεπτομέρεια τους Έλληνες, για όλα όσα θα έπρεπε να υπομείνουν το πρώτο χρονικό διάστημα της εξόδου από την Ευρωζώνη – έτσι ώστε να αποφασίσει τη «συναλλαγή», μόνο εάν κατάφερνε να εξασφαλίσει τη στήριξη των Πολιτών, λέγοντας τους όμως την αλήθεια και χωρίς κανένα απολύτως ψέμα.

Περαιτέρω, έχουμε την άποψη πως κάποια στιγμή θα έλθουμε υποχρεωτικά αντιμέτωποι με το θέμα της υιοθέτησης του εθνικού μας νομίσματος – είτε καταναγκαστικά το 2018, επειδή πολύ δύσκολα θα μας εγκριθεί ένα τέταρτο μνημόνιο αφού δεν θα συμφέρει πια τους δανειστές, είτε εκ των πραγμάτων εξαιτίας ίσως της αποχώρησης της Ιταλίας, οπότε της διάλυσης της Ευρωζώνης.

Τότε όμως θα έχουμε χάσει τη δημόσια περιουσία μας, καθώς επίσης ένα μεγάλο μέρος της ιδιωτικής – ενώ θα έχουμε εξαθλιωθεί εντελώς από τις μειώσεις των μισθών, από την ανεργία, από την υπερβολική φορολόγηση κοκ. Παράλληλα το ιδιωτικό μας χρέος (νοικοκυριά) το οποίο δεν ήταν το 2014 πολύ μεγαλύτερο από αυτό της Γερμανίας, ενώ το 2010 ήταν σχεδόν αμελητέο, θα έχει εκτοξευθεί στα ύψη – όταν την ίδια περίοδο οι τιμές των περιουσιακών μας στοιχείων θα έχουν εξαϋλωθεί.

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