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Η ορφανή ήττα

του Κώστα Λαπαβίτσα

Είναι γνωστό ότι η νίκη έχει πολλούς πατεράδες, αλλά η ήττα κανέναν. Μια από τις πιο χαρακτηριστικές πλευρές της πανωλεθρίας του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ είναι ότι η ομάδα που χάραξε την πολιτική του γραμμή μετά το 2010, οδηγώντας τον αρχικά στον εκλογικό θρίαμβο και κατόπι στη διαπραγματευτική συντριβή, αγωνίζεται τώρα να βρει επιχειρήματα για να αποποιηθεί τις ευθύνες της. Το τι λέει ο καθένας εξαρτάται από τη θέση που είχε, ή έχει, στο κόμμα και την κυβέρνηση.

Ο τωρινός στενός ηγετικός κύκλος, για παράδειγμα, μας λέει ότι δόθηκε μια ομηρική μάχη, αλλά ο εχθρός ήταν κατά πολύ υπέρτερος και ουκ ολίγον μπαμπέσης. Η δικιά μας πλευρά δεν είχε εκτιμήσει πόσο πολύ έχουν διαφθείρει την Ευρώπη οι δυνάμεις του σκότους. Δεχτήκαμε έναν κακό συμβιβασμό, αλλά θα βγάλουμε τη χώρα από την κρίση, με την κοινωνία όρθια. Η Αριστερά –και τα παλληκάρια– δεν εγκαταλείπουν τη μάχη.

Από την άλλη, πρώην στελέχη του ηγετικού κύκλου που τώρα ψάχνουν καινούργιο ρόλο μας λένε ότι όντως δόθηκε μια σκληρή μάχη και η στρατηγική μας ήταν σωστή. Ο εχθρός ήταν ένα βήμα πριν την κατάρρευση. Δε μπορεί, θα ενέδιδε και ο Ντράγκι και η Μέρκελ, αν εμείς συνεχίζαμε απτόητοι τις επιθετικές κινήσεις, με τις τράπεζες κλειστές και χωρίς ρευστότητα. Αλλά η κακιά μοίρα –ή μπορεί και η έλλειψη θάρρους– δεν επέτρεψε την ολοκλήρωση του σχεδίου.

Γνωστά όλα αυτά. Η τελευταία όμως προσφορά στο πεδίο των «ερμηνειών» από τους πρώην ηγετικούς κύκλους του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ είναι σίγουρα η πιο χαριτωμένη. Ούτε λίγο, ούτε πολύ, έχουμε τον ισχυρισμό ότι διαπραγμάτευση δεν έγινε. Διότι διαπραγμάτευση θα υπήρχε μόνο εάν είχε τεθεί ο διεθνής ταξικός εχθρός υπό διωγμό, αλλάζοντας τους όρους του κοινωνικού γίγνεσθαι με αποφασιστικές κινήσεις στο εσωτερικό της χώρας. Αν γινόταν η αναδιανομή του εισοδήματος και του πλούτου, θα είχαμε νικήσει τους δανειστές. Μόνο τότε θα είχε υπάρξει διαπραγμάτευση.

Σε μια περιβόητη αποστροφή του, ο Μποντριγιάρ αρνήθηκε ότι ο Πόλεμος του Κόλπου πραγματικά συνέβη. Ήταν προϊόν των ΜΜΕ, ένα φαντασιακό ομοίωμα της πραγματικότητας. Με τη νέα «ερμηνεία» της ήττας του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ έχουμε μια πολύ πιο εξελιγμένη προσέγγιση. Εφόσον δεν εφαρμόστηκε η συγκεκριμένη τακτική που προκρίνουν οι επικριτές, είναι προφανές ότι δεν υπήρξε καμία διαπραγμάτευση. Το πλήθος των συναντήσεων της ελληνικής πλευράς με τους δανειστές ήταν απλώς μια εικονική πραγματικότητα, ένα παιχνίδι επισκέψεων για κουβέντες με τον κ. Τόμσεν. Άγνωστο παραμένει τι ακριβώς έπαιζαν οι δανειστές το διάστημα αυτό.

Αν τα πράγματα στη χώρα δεν ήταν τόσο τραγικά, θα μπορούσε κανείς να διασκεδάσει με τον αγώνα για την αποφυγή της πατρότητας της ήττας από τους κατά τεκμήριο υπεύθυνους. Δυστυχώς όμως δεν υπάρχει περιθώριο ούτε για γέλια, ούτε για γελοίες δικαιολογίες. Όχι μόνο υπήρξαν διαπραγματεύσεις, όχι απλώς έγινε προσπάθεια να εφαρμοστεί η στρατηγική που για χρόνια είχε εξυφάνει η ηγετική ομάδα του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ, αλλά η χώρα κόντεψε να λυγίσει στην πορεία.

Το πρόβλημα δεν ήταν ούτε η σκληρότητα των δανειστών, ούτε η έλλειψη προθυμίας για μια τελευταία ζαριά από την πλευρά μας, και φυσικά όχι η έλλειψη διαπραγμάτευσης. Ο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ συνετρίβη γιατί αυτό που προσπάθησε να κάνει, αυτό που η ηγετική του ομάδα –συλλογικά και πεισματικά– επέμενε ότι μπορούσε να γίνει, ήταν απλώς ανέφικτο. Απέτυχε γιατί: ΔΕ ΜΠΟΡΕΙ ΝΑ ΥΠΑΡΞΕΙ ΡΙΖΟΣΠΑΣΤΙΚΗ ΠΟΛΙΤΙΚΗ ΕΝΤΟΣ ΤΗΣ ΟΝΕ.

Μια μειοψηφική μερίδα στο ΣΥΡΙΖΑ υποστήριξε σθεναρά αυτή την άποψη. Έδωσε όλες τις μάχες μέχρι την καταστροφική υπογραφή του Τρίτου Μνημονίου, αλλά τελικά έχασε, εν μέρει και λόγω της δικής της ιδεολογικής και οργανωτικής αδυναμίας. Παρ’ όλα αυτά τα γεγονότα του 2015 και η συντριβή του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ επιβεβαιώνουν περίτρανα την ορθότητα της βασικής της θέσης.

Θα περίμενε κανείς λοιπόν ότι, μετά την πανωλεθρία, θα υπήρχε μια σοβαρή αποτίμηση των πεπραγμένων από πλευράς αυτών που χάραξαν την καταστροφική στρατηγική του ΣΥΡΙΖΑ τα προηγούμενα χρόνια. Τουλάχιστον η αποδοχή των λαθών και η έντιμη αναζήτηση μιας άλλης πορείας στις σημερινές, εξαιρετικά δύσκολες συνθήκες. Αμ δε. Ο ωμός συμβιβασμός με την εξουσία, το αναλυτικό κομφούζιο και ο πολιτικός ξερολισμός έχουν το πάνω χέρι. Το τίμημα το πληρώνει η κοινωνία και η χώρα.

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